The State of the European Union: A Plea from Brussels
Photo of the flag of the European Union draped over a statue, Frankfurt. Image by Musa Haef.
On September 10, Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission, addressed delegates from the 28 member states representing the European Union (EU) in Strasbourg, France. The speech, known as the State of the European Union (SOTEU), framed by the sharp theme of solidarity, laid out what many analysts believe to be a defining agenda for her second term: one that seeks not only to assert Europe’s strategic autonomy, but also to respond to mounting geopolitical issues. Von der Leyen’s speech laid down the blueprint for a stronger Europe: one unified against a common threat to security.
President of the European Parliament Roberta Metsola opened proceedings with a blunt reminder of threats facing the Union. Speaking from the dais, she emphasized the challenge of internal cohesion and external aggression. She remarked in a wartime-style comment that EU institutions must “stand together” in the face of global instability. Von der Leyen, who spoke afterwards, devoted a large portion of her address to Russia’s war in Ukraine and its impact on both NATO and EU members. One of her immediate promises was to step up political and military support for Ukrainian President Zelensky, and she unveiled tougher measures aimed at disrupting networks that continue to circumvent sanctions and finance Moscow’s war efforts. Her promises include a pledge to tighten sanctions, specifically targeting Russian oil and dependence on fossil fuels, a policy the EU Commission has borrowed from previous legislation. Von der Leyen framed these policy initiatives as part of a broader push for “strategic autonomy,” a rallying cry for all member states to act collectively for the continent’s benefit.
Following recent events, Von der Leyen made sure to include a remark on Gaza, saying that the Commission would use the tools at its disposal to respond to what she described as an “unfolding humanitarian catastrophe.” She proposed a partial suspension of trade aspects of the EU-Israel Association Agreement and targeted measures against Israeli ministers involved in policies the Commission found unacceptable. Her comments on Ukraine and Russia are both a strategic and economic gamble, as ending Russian energy dependence early signals resolve, but risks energy instability if solutions on replacing necessary fossil fuels aren’t ready. If this policy is successful, it would prove that the EU can wield energy policy as a geopolitical tool; on the other hand, failure could undermine public support for Ukraine if citizens from member countries feel the costs at home. As for Gaza, the Commission attempted to walk a tightrope, showing disapproval without severing ties completely. However, in trying to please both human-rights advocates and cautious national leaders, it leaves the EU in a stupor. This half-measure risks eroding the EU’s already tight credibility as a moral actor. If the crisis deepens, which it already has, pressure will mount on Brussels to go further, straining relations with Israel and perhaps even the United States.
Beyond the various crises covered, von der Leyen used the SOTEU to advance a domestic agenda wrapped in security measures, namely, competitiveness of the single market and industrial policy measures. Such measures came in the form of the proposed Industrial Decarbonisation Accelerator Act (IDAA), which was designed to accelerate the transition to net-zero industries by addressing emerging challenges faced by energy-intensive industries in Europe. Von der Leyen linked these initiatives directly to security, arguing that economic and industrial strength are closely tied to the EU’s defense. The EU wants to shield itself from dependence on China and, more recently, the U.S., by investing in itself. Competitiveness is not just economic, but is directly tied to security. While this does pave a path for Europe to reinvent itself as a technological powerhouse, it also leaves a possibility for a divide between wealthier and poorer member states, fueling euroscepticism amongst the far-right.
The SOTEU was followed by the traditional round of questions from leading Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), a session that, with this speech, was notably more observant. Belgian Socialists and Democrats (S&D) Vice-President and MEP Kathleen Van Brempt argued that too many promises were being rebranded rather than fulfilled. Van Brempt stated that von der Leyen had delivered only around 10% of the promises she had made previously, citing especially the U.S tariffs: “People and businesses, workers and businesses in Europe feel the pressure every day of what is happening in the world, and they need solutions.” She additionally stated. On the other hand, Belgian MEP Estelle Crulemans was unimpressed with the lack of references to social policy, stating, “Unfortunately, there is still a whole aspect of Europe that was completely missing, and that is obviously social issues.” The overall response to the speech by EU parliamentarians appears to be a spectrum based on what issues were discussed and how deeply it was addressed. Responses outside Parliament were similarly mixed. Brussels-based think tanks praised the overall orientation of the “classic von der Leyen rallying cry,” but expressed concerns about the Commission's ability to actually oversee such ambitious policies. The EU civil-society umbrella groups were much more critical, as many accused the Commission of prioritising security and defense measures over much-needed social legislation and climate ambition. As is evident with many of the MEPs present, von der Leyen risks governing with false trust. If neither civil society nor industry is fully on board, then implementing her ambitious agenda will become exponentially harder.
The 2025 SOTEU has struck at the heart of not only politics in Brussels but the EU as a whole. Even though the Commission seeks to carry out an assertive agenda, it still faces a fractious Parliament and restless electorates who demand a broader emphasis on climate and even humanitarian services for ongoing conflicts that are felt to be lacking. If MEPs continue to press for substantive follow-ups on the topics discussed, von der Leyen may find the coming months a test not only of policy but of her own political survival. For now, however, the Commission may rest easy. They have put clear markers on the map. Whether those markers will coalesce into coherent policy, and whether the political capital exists to implement them in such a diverse Union, remains the key question facing the EU’s decision-makers as they return to an audience of 28 member countries who are observing them, this time with a hint of caution, instead of solidarity.
The transcript of the SOTEU has been published as of 17 September, and is now available for public viewing.